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One major problem facing Abraham Lincoln at the start of the American Civil War was how to deal with escaped slaves who sought protection from Union armies in the south. Although as a Republican he was opposed to slavery, he was not yet ready to move towards emancipation. His first concern was to restore the Union, and he was well aware than any early move towards emancipation would make that job much harder and run the risk of pushing Kentucky and possibly even Maryland into the Confederate camp.

Some of his military commanders were less concerned with the political consequences of their actions. General Fremont went as far as issuing his own emancipation proclamation for Missouri on 30 August, although this was quickly overturned by Lincoln.

A more satisfactory short term solution was arrived at by General Benjamin Butler. He was in command at Fort Monroe, Virginia, a Union held enclave at the tip of the peninsula between the James and York rivers. In May 1861 three slaves escaped into his lines. Astonishingly, the next day their owner, a Confederate Colonel, appeared at Fort Monroe demanding their return under the terms of the fugitive slave law! Butler replied that since Virginia was claiming to have left the Union, the law no longer applied. He borrowed a concept from naval warfare, that of ‘contraband of war’. This term applied to goods that could not be traded to a warring country without running the risk of seizure by their enemies.

This appealed to Lincoln. While many moderate Unionists claimed that the government had no right to abolish slavery, all admitted that it could confiscate the property of traitors. On 6 August Congress passed a confiscation act. Escaped slaves were no longer slaves if they had been used directly by the Confederate armed forces. Exactly what their new status would be was not made clear, but the act provided a legal framework within which Union generals could begin to act.

Butler had not waited for the act. By the end of July he had nearly 1,000 ‘contrabands’ in his camp at Fort Monroe. In return for his protection, he put them to work in the camps. Not every escaped slave was legally protected by the confiscation act. Those who escaped from loyal owners in Union border states were not legally protected at all, although many did escape in this way. That protect finally appeared on 13 March 1862 when a new article of war was created, forbidding military officers from returning escaped slaves to their owners. By now the contrabands were providing a huge pool of labour for Union armies across conquered parts of the Confederacy. It was now widely accepted that all slaves in southern hands contributed to their war effort, if only by allowing more white men to enlist in the Confederate armies.


Then came a half-century where the bookstores and theaters had nothing but l’art de la femme, and old-­timers like you swapped drives full of contraband hip-hop and novels with the corners worn off.

A lawyer for the Department of Corrections denied those claims of mistreatment and said the search was necessary to keep the facility safe from contraband .

Newsham said no contraband was found and no serious crimes had been reported in the area at the time.

Yazbek says no one takes names, and no one checks for weapons or other contraband .

Prison guards in Lima found a contraband mobile phone in his prison cell that he claimed was given to him by the warden.

He was convicted of perjury, served 30 days, and went back to a swashbuckling career in contraband .

A CBP dog sniffs around for contraband like drugs, food, weapons, people.

Of course, as Singer notes, “Smuggling things that are contraband at a prison is not a national security emergency.”

So far as the right or wrong of having contraband whisky was concerned, I don't think any one gave it a second thought.

He accuses the latter of various illegal and crafty acts, among them sending contraband gold and jewels to Mexico.

The progress of the woollen manufactures of Ireland excited even more alarm and indignation than the contraband trade with France.

Ginger-beer could also be procured, and there were suspicions that the bottles so called contained something contraband .

Their merchants, especially in New England, carried on a brisk and extremely profitable contraband trade.

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Contraband Days

The Louisiana Pirate Festival, Formally known as Contraband Days, is a 12-day festival filled with Cajun food, family fun, and festivities. Occurring annually in Lake Charles, it is among the larger celebrations in Louisiana, with an attendance of over 200,000. The Festival was first held in 1957.

Held during the first two weeks of May, Contraband Days is the city's official celebration of the legend of the pirate Jean Lafitte. History tells that Lafitte and his band of pirates frequented the area's waterways they are said to have buried Lafitte's contraband somewhere in the city's vicinity.

The Pirate Festival festivities kick off every year with a pirate ship bombardment to "take control of the city" at the seawall of the Lake Charles Civic Center. A gang of rowdy and unruly buccaneers and "Jean Lafitte" overruns the blazing cannons of the local militia. They then raise their "Jolly Roger" flag and capture the mayor by force with swords drawn and make the mayor walk the plank into the waters of the lake. [1]

Announcement [ edit | edit source ]

The game was officially announced during the Xbox & Bethesda Games Showcase during E3 on June 13, 2021. The announcement consisted of a minute long teaser trailer revealing basic details of the game including the who is developing it and the genre of the game. No release date was given. The game will also be available on Xbox Game Pass when it releases.

The game was first mentioned three years prior to its official unveiling by Avalanche Studios.

The Fort Monroe Contraband Decision – New Perspectives on the 160th Anniversary

(Courtesy of New York Public Library Digital Collections)

Editor’s Note: This is a guest story provided to you by WYDaily. The opinions presented in this piece do not necessarily reflect that of WYDaily nor its parent company.

Was Maj. Gen. Benjamin Butler truly the mastermind behind the term “contraband of war” in reference to the enslaved who sought refuge at Fort Monroe in 1861? Tomorrow marks the 160th anniversary of the “contraband decision” and new research has uncovered a different version of the story. Could it be that the “contraband of war” idea originated with a subordinate officer?

Butler’s version of the story is considered fact: Virginia had just seceded from the Union. On May 23, 1861, three freedom-seekers known today as Frank Baker, James Townsend, and Shepard Mallory bravely trekked to Union held Fort Monroe and purposely surrendered to Private Charles Haskins, of the 3 rd Massachusetts Volunteers. The next day, the three were interviewed separately by Butler in his office within Quarters No. 1. Learning that the three had been building fortifications for the Confederates, Butler was faced with a dilemma: what does he do with Baker, Townsend, and Mallory?

He was forced to decide their fate that afternoon, May 24, when Confederate Col. John B. Cary appeared at the fort. A representative of slaveowner Col. Charles K. Mallory, Cary demanded the three be returned. Relying on his judgment and discretion, Butler took the men into custody and put them to work declaring them “contraband of war.” Instantly those legendary words entered the lexicon of Union forces, appearing in official army and navy reports and newspapers.

Fort Monroe during the Civil War (Courtesy of Library of Congress)

However, Butler’s detractors quickly began to question the parentage of the term “contraband of war.” They pointed out that Butler did not use the term in correspondence with his superiors at the time. The issue again came to light in 1873, as Butler made a bid for the republican nomination for governor of Massachusetts. On August 21, the Boston Evening Transcript, published an anonymous 2300-word column entitled, “Important Historical Revelation,” signed “A Massachusetts Soldier of Two Wars, Charlestown, Mass.”

The unnamed author presents a detailed alternate version on how the term “contraband of war” came about. The column became a nationwide sensation. Many newspapers printed the story verbatim while others carried shorter versions with barbs such as “General Butler Wearing Another’s Laurels…” (Buffalo Weekly Courier) “… so it seems that Gen. Butler is not entitled to the credit of inventing the application of ‘contraband’ to the slaves” (New York Tribune) and “… the real credit for invention of the term, ‘contraband of war,’…belongs, not to Butler, who has always quietly appropriated it, but to a captain in his command” (Port Huron Times).

Briefly told, the referenced captain had been assigned a servant, a formerly enslaved man named Luke who, like Baker, Townsend, and Mallory, had come to the fort seeking refuge. Luke was “about forty-five years of age, and the proprietor of a wife and three children.” Discovering that Luke had been at work on Confederate fortifications, the captain assured him that neither General Butler nor President Lincoln could send him back to slavery. This was reported to Butler who sent for the captain and angrily demanded to know by what authority the captain had given such assurance to Luke. The captain, who was also a lawyer, replied that he had done it ”by the authority of common sense,” and explained, that in his view the slave, having been employed on the enemy’s fortifications, was “contraband of war.”

Newspapers called for the anonymous accuser to identify himself. On August 26, 1873 the author came forward in a 463-word letter to the Boston Evening Transcript. A portion of that letter follows:

As to the matter of “contraband of war,” General Butler was in this dilemma. Either he did know that the negro slaves who had been employed by the rebels on their fortifications, and had escaped and come within our lines, were contraband of war, and by coming within our lines had become freemen or he did not…If he did not, then he learned the facts from my argument, and acted in accordance with them.

I have never claimed, … any credit for enunciating the doctrine I was defending my servant, …and would have proceeded to the last extremities in so doing had it been necessary ― nor do I think a lawyer entitled to any particular credit for knowing and applying such obvious principles of law.

The decision of the United States Supreme Court in the famous “Dred Scott” case contained the essential principles applicable to the case. That decision was hailed by the Democratic party, and by General Butler especially…Nor have I kept the affair a secret for twelve years but have related the facts to hundreds of persons during that time, and especially have I done so to personal and political friends of General Butler.

General Butler was utterly dumfoundered by the argument, and his staff saw it, and some of them were ready to burst into laughter at his discomfiture, a sense of propriety alone restraining them.

It was the first time I had ever seen him reduced to silence in a matter of law…As the Boston Herald, Globe and Courier have called for my name, I give it.

Late Captain 29 th Massachusetts Volunteers, late First Lieutenant of Captain Edward Webster’s Company A, First Regiment Massachusetts Infantry, Mexican war.

An image of Contraband of War (Courtesy of Library of Congress)

Is Tyler’s story true? The Chicago Tribune, as well as other newspapers, prodded Butler to comment on Tyler’s letter stating on September 6, “There is one subject upon which Butler has not touched during his stumping-tour. His silence is ominous. He got a great deal of credit during the War — indeed, the greatest feather in his military hat was obtained — by his declaration that negroes were contraband of war.”

Uncharacteristically, Butler never addressed or denied the story and when he bowed out of the race for governor, the story lost traction and died. He would eventually become governor in 1883.

And so it seems that Maj. Gen. Butler may not be entitled to the full credit for inventing the application of “contraband” to enslaved freedom-seekers. He is entitled however, to the credit of making a bold and timely decision when someone else suggested it. That credit fairly belongs to him.

Many thanks to Dr. Bob Kelly, Casemate Museum Volunteer, for considerable research assistance.

Robert Kelly is Gloucester County’s Museums Coordinator, President of the Fort Monroe
Historical Society, Vice-President of the American Friends of Lafayette, is the former Casemate Museum Historian, and is a resident of Fort Monroe.

‘Different kind of humanity’

Few Southern towns provided more fertile ground for this pivotal moment in American history than the old port of Hampton.

Compared to the remote life on most plantations, the town and surrounding region were far more closely linked to the world — both by maritime trade and the constant stream of outsiders who passed through Fort Monroe and the nationally known resort at the nearby Hygeia Hotel.

Hampton also had a long tradition of literacy among both free and enslaved blacks, plus a diversity of relatively independent slave occupations ranging from boat pilots and watermen to craftsmen. More than 100 slaves rented out their own time, working as much for themselves as the annual fees they paid their masters.

“There was a distinct difference in the blacks at Hampton. They were much more cosmopolitan, much more sophisticated than those found in such places as the Sea Islands in South Carolina,” Engs says.

"And the fact that they could read persuaded many Northern whites that they deserved freedom."

Still, black freedom was the last thing on the minds of many Union soldiers, plenty of whom regarded the Negro race with as much bias as rebel slave owners. And even those who showed sympathy to "Butler's fugitives" were more preoccupied with fighting a war than dealing with the unexpected fall-out from the collapse of slavery.

For many soldiers from New York, Pennsylvania and New England, especially, the resulting chaos was compounded by the fact that most had never seen or talked to a black person.

“The army’s first response was bewilderment. They were shocked — and completely unprepared for what happened,” Engs says.‘We pray powerful glad’

“And these were Northerners who had little experience with African-Americans. So many felt confronted by a completely different kind of humanity.”

Confiscation Acts

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Confiscation Acts, (1861–64), in U.S. history, series of laws passed by the federal government during the American Civil War that were designed to liberate slaves in the seceded states. The first Confiscation Act, passed on Aug. 6, 1861, authorized Union seizure of rebel property, and it stated that all slaves who fought with or worked for the Confederate military services were freed of further obligations to their masters.

President Abraham Lincoln objected to the act on the basis that it might push border states, especially Kentucky and Missouri, into secession in order to protect slavery within their boundaries. He later convinced Congress to pass a resolution providing compensation to states that initiated a system of gradual emancipation, but the border states failed to support this plan. And Lincoln repudiated the position of Generals John C. Frémont and David Hunter, who proclaimed that the first Confiscation Act was tantamount to a decree of emancipation.

The second Confiscation Act, passed July 17, 1862, was virtually an emancipation proclamation. It said that slaves of civilian and military Confederate officials “shall be forever free,” but it was enforceable only in areas of the South occupied by the Union Army. Lincoln was again concerned about the effect of an antislavery measure on the border states and again urged these states to begin gradual compensated emancipation.

On March 12, 1863, and July 2, 1864, the federal government passed additional measures (“Captured and Abandoned Property Acts”) that defined property subject to seizure as that owned by absent individuals who supported the South. The Confederate Congress also passed property confiscation acts to apply to Union adherents. But the amount of land actually confiscated during or after the war by either side was not great. Cotton constituted nearly all the Southern nonslave property confiscated.

With the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation (1863) and passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, however, Southern slaveholders lost an estimated $2,000,000,000 worth of human property.

The Lawless Border With Canada Was Once America's Main Security Concern

Near the westernmost point of the border between the United States and Canada, the Peace Arch straddles the world’s longest undefended international boundary. The inscription atop the monument honors the friendship between two 𠇌hildren of a common mother,” but this was not always the case. The U.S. and Canada may be peaceful neighbors now, but they had a violently contentious relationship in their early years.

In the aftermath of the American Revolution, the United States and the British colony of Canada endured “more than a century of suspicion, hatred and bloodshed,” writes John Boyko in Blood and Daring: How Canada Fought the American Civil War and Forged a Nation

America’s northern border was once a lawless no-man’s-land frequented by counterfeiters, transnational criminals and outlaw gangs smuggling alcohol, produce, opium, gypsum and livestock. These smugglers deprived the American government of its fiscal lifeblood—import duties𠅋ut were popular with people along the border since they generated jobs and kept prices low.

The Peace Arch at the United States and Canada border between the communities of Blaine, Washington and Surrey, British Columbia. 

After the Embargo Act of 1807 closed American ports to foreign trade, United States revenue agents could do little to stop the deluge of pirated goods that crossed the border from Canada. During the War of 1812, British troops responded to the American invasion of Canada by launching repeated border raids, even burning Buffalo to the ground.

Throughout the 1800s, the United States had very lax control of its northern border as customs officers resided in village centers miles from the dividing line. Part of the border security problem was that oftentimes no one was exactly sure where the boundary was. In fact, when President James Monroe ordered construction of a fort on the New York shoreline of Lake Champlain after the War of 1812, it was inadvertently built a half-mile inside enemy territory due to a surveying error.

British North American Boundary Commission survey crew members clearing and marking the boundary line between Canada and the United States, along the right bank of the Moyie River, circa 1860.

A lack of official treaties and federal extradition powers also emboldened lawbreakers along America’s northern boundary. 𠇌riminals could cross and re-cross the border at will, shielding themselves from the territorial reach of the law that pursued them,” says Bradley Miller, a University of British Columbia history professor and author of Borderline Crime: Fugitive Criminals and the Challenge of the Border, 1819-1914.

Miller says that with no formal procedures in place, local police took justice into their own hands. 𠇏rom the beginning of the 19th century until at least the time of World War I, police officers, other state officials and community members participated in an informal system of cross-border abductions in which fugitives were found, arrested and returned to the jurisdiction whose laws they had violated outside of any formal legal system. There were no treaties or statutes that regulated, empowered or limited this system.”

During the Civil War, Union draft-dodgers and escaped Confederate prisoners of war streamed north across the border to find safe haven in Canada. Although most Canadians viewed slavery as abhorrent, Boyko says many Canadians also hoped a Confederate victory could shatter the monolith of the United States, which threatened to absorb Canada as it continued its march toward its Manifest Destiny.

In the aftermath of defeats at Gettysburg and Vicksburg, the Confederacy established a spy ring in Toronto and Montreal that exported terror across the border. From their Canadian sanctuary, Confederate agents raided St. Albans, Vermont, in October 1864 and weeks later attempted to set New York City afire. “They were trying to distract the Northern troops,” Boyko says. 𠇎very soldier dealing with the border was one less fighting in the South.”

In fact, weeks before he assassinatedꂫraham Lincoln, John Wilkes Booth spent time in Montreal meeting with Jacob Thompson, head of the Confederate Secret Service, and amassing money for the operation, says Boyko. In the days following the shooting, conspirator John Surratt Jr. fled north, where a Catholic priest in Quebec gave him asylum before he absconded to Liverpool. 

“When the trial of Booth’s conspirators began, a vast majority of the questions asked were seeking to link Canada to the assassination,” Boyko says. “It was clear that Canada was not officially involved, but the conspirators used Canada to plan the assassination and escape justice.”

Widespread smuggling continued after Canada became a self-governing entity in 1867. During Prohibition, bootleggers employed fleets of automobiles, boats and sleighs to illegally transport alcohol from Canada to its thirsty neighbor to the south. It was a lucrative enterprise. A case of whiskey purchased in Quebec for $15 could be sold for $120 on the other side of the border.

A virtual pipeline of alcohol flowed across the Detroit River from Windsor, Ontario, to Detroit. By some estimates, three-quarters of all liquor smuggled into the United States from Canada during Prohibition crossed through the aptly-nicknamed �troit-Windsor Funnel.” Miller says creative smugglers built warehouses with trapdoors over the Detroit River so that boats could pull up underneath to load their contraband, out of view of customs and police officers. Bootleggers modified Great Lakes fishing boats with specially designed holds for kegs and even installed an underwater cable system that could deliver 40 cases of liquor an hour across the river.

While American border security concerns today are focused on the boundary with Mexico, smuggling is still a problem to the north along the 5,525-mile border with Canada. The United States Drug Intelligence Center estimates that Canadian gangs smuggle $56 billion in drugs across the border every year.  

The Contraband Question

IN THE FIRST WEEKS of the American Civil War, a lawyer turned general waged a bloodless legal battle for the North that altered the nature of the war. Major General Benjamin F. Butler was a Massachusetts lawyer, abolitionist, former state senator, and Democrat. In the spring of 1861 Lincoln had put Butler in charge of Fort Monroe, at the tip of the Virginia Peninsula, even though Butler was no fan of the president.

Soon after he took command, three fugitive slaves made their way to the fort and were taken in. Their owner, a Confederate colonel, came after them under a flag of truce, demanding that his “property” be given back to him, citing the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850. Butler refused, saying that since Virginia claimed to have seceded from the Union, the law was no longer applicable. Butler also discovered that the three men had been laboring for the Confederate army, thereby aiding the Rebel war effort. “I am credibly informed,” he reported to Winfield Scott, commanding general of the Union army, “that the negroes of this neighborhood are employed in the erection of batteries and other works by the Rebels, which it would be nearly or quite impossible to construct without their labor.”

Butler declared the slaves “contraband of war”—enemy property that was liable to seizure in wartime, just as weapons, ammunition, and food were. He wrote General Scott a few days later that the “question in regard to Slave property is becoming of very serious magnitude” and that “as a military question, it would seem to be a measure of necessity to deprive their masters of their services.”

In Butler’s estimation, the slaves were seized property, not to be returned, and he set them to work building a bakery for his troops. When other slaves learned of Butler’s stance on escaped slaves, they too made their way to his lines at Fort Monroe. Soon some 900 former slaves had fled their masters to shelter under Butler’s protection. Butler turned no one away, including women and children. He sent word of his action to the War Department in Washington and asked for approval.

The permanent legal status of the contraband was not defined. Were these men, women, and children now permanently free or would they be returned to their masters when the war ended?

The Northern public was captivated by press reports of Butler’s stance and his use of the term “contraband.” Lincoln’s cabinet endorsed the contraband policy as well but left open important questions, knowing that the answers to those questions could well hamper the war effort. Most critically, the permanent legal status of the contraband was not defined. Were these men, women, and children now permanently free or would they be returned to their masters when the war ended? Also not answered was the question of what the contraband policy meant for slaves in states that had not seceded, such as Maryland. If these slaves were “seized”—allowed to escape from their masters and sheltered by Union forces—then the slaveholding states still loyal to the Union might switch their allegiance, as might pro-Union Southerners in the Rebel states .

In private, Lincoln said that, “the government neither should nor would” return the escaped slaves to bondage. But in public, he had to walk a careful line. He had maintained from the first that no state had the legal right to secede from the Union. So if the rebellious states had not in fact seceded, then as their president, he was still bound under the Constitution to uphold the legal rights of citizens who remained loyal to the Union in those states. And one of those rights was the right to own slaves.

AFTER THE FEDERAL DISASTER at First Bull Run in July 1861, reports emerged of Confederate soldiers using their slaves to do menial chores, which allowed the soldiers to devote themselves to combat. Illinois senator Lyman Trumbull, an eyewitness to the battle, proclaimed that the slaves were indeed helping the Rebel war effort. Prior to Bull Run, he had introduced a bill to allow for the seizure of enemy property, but after the battle he introduced an amendment that stated if a slave owner used his slaves to aid the Confederacy, those slaves would be forfeit. The Senate voted 24 to 11 in favor of the bill, the House approved it by a vote of 60 to 46, and Lincoln signed the Confiscation Act into law on August 6, 1861. What had been a military measure taken by a general during wartime had become law.

OTHER UNION OFFICERS would move even more decisively in favor of emancipation. Major General John C. Frémont, the famed western explorer, imposed martial law in Missouri in August 1861. His order instituted the death penalty for Confederate guerrillas and confiscated the property and slaves of Confederate sympathizers. Lincoln, however, made Frémont refrain from any executions without his presidential consent. But the section of Frémont’s order on confiscating slaves worried the president even more: While Republicans might favor abolition, there were many Democrats in the North and Unionists in the Border States who did not. The slave states of Missouri and Kentucky had not seceded, and the president could not afford for them to do so. Frémont’s order, Lincoln wrote, “will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn them against us.” He ordered Frémont to amend his order and bring it back within the limits of the Confiscation Act.

Another Union officer who took matters into his own hands was the fiercely abolitionist Major General David Hun ter. On May 9, 1862, as head of the Union’s Department of the South—Georgia, South Carolina, and Florida—he issued General Order No. 11, which proclaimed all slaves in the department to be “forever free,” including those whose owners were loyal to the Union. Once again Lincoln, still wary of pressing ahead too rapidly on emancipation, intervened, revoking Hunter’s order.

In July 1862 Congress passed the Second Confiscation Act, which went much further than the original act. The first section declared that “every person who shall hereafter commit the crime of treason against the United States, and shall be adjudged guilty thereof, shall suffer death, and all his slaves, if any, shall be declared and made free.” That was effectively everyone fighting against the Union on behalf of the Confederacy. The new law also cleared up confusion about what exactly Union officers were required to do with contraband fugitive slaves. Section 9 set forth that they “shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again held as slaves.”

That September Lincoln at last issued the Emancipation Proclamation, declaring that “on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free.” In his memoir Butler wrote that his 1861 contraband interpretation had “paved the way for the Emancipation Proclamation”—and that, in turn, led in 1865 to the 13th Amendment, which put an end to slavery in all the United States. But over the four years in between, thousands of humans found their way to a kind of free dom as “contraband” of war.

Attorney Marc G. DeSantis is a frequent contributor to MHQ. His book, Rome Seizes the Trident, will be published by Pen & Sword in December 2015.

What is Contraband? (with pictures)

Contraband is a blanket term for goods which are illegal to import or export. Goods which are illegal to possess, such as stolen materials, are also called contraband. Typically, contraband will be confiscated without compensation if it is found by representatives of the law. Most nations have clear laws governing contraband, in the interest of free trade and public safety. Since contraband must be brought into or out of a nation by stealth, smuggling is often involved in the trade of contraband goods.

The term is derived from the Latin contra, or “against” and bando, for a legal and public proclamation. The term was turned into contrabande in medieval French, and was borrowed by the English in 1529. Examples of contraband include illegal goods such as weapons, drugs, and other substances which may be banned by law.

In the legal world, the word may also be used to discuss goods which have been obtained in an illegal way, although the goods themselves are not illegal. Stolen goods, for example, are considered contraband, and just like smuggled contraband they will be confiscated and held by authorities. The results of fraud and forgery are also termed “contraband,” as in the case of someone who uses money from fraudulent activity to purchase things like houses and cars.

In wartime, a belligerent nation may intercept goods shipped from a neutral nation to another antagonist in the conflict. These goods are known as contraband, and while it is not illegal for neutral nations to supply material to one side or another, these nations do so at their own risk. Typically, the goods and the vessel are seized, to prevent further shipments of contraband. Neutral vessels which are carrying military supplies may also be treated as enemy ships.

The global community has debated the practice of intercepting goods in wartime, but has not reached a resolution on the issue. While most nations agree that intercepting things like munitions is allowable, materials like food, medication, and shelter supplies are a bit more ambiguous. While these may be used to support military actions, they could also be used to help civilians. Treating neutral ships like enemy combatants also is a dubious practice, as seen in the case of the Lusitania.

A lively trade in contraband goods may spring up in some cases, especially if consumers have no other way of obtaining them. This becomes known as a black market. Black markets may sell everything from the pelts of endangered species to vitally needed medications. Doing business on the black market carries risks, as consumers can be punished for owning contraband and dealers can face severe legal repercussions.

Ever since she began contributing to the site several years ago, Mary has embraced the exciting challenge of being a researcher and writer. Mary has a liberal arts degree from Goddard College and spends her free time reading, cooking, and exploring the great outdoors.

Ever since she began contributing to the site several years ago, Mary has embraced the exciting challenge of being a researcher and writer. Mary has a liberal arts degree from Goddard College and spends her free time reading, cooking, and exploring the great outdoors.

Watch the video: Selling Criminals and Contraband for Major Profits - Border Patrol Simulator - Contraband Police (July 2022).


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